Showing posts with label Ireland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ireland. Show all posts

Thursday, June 19, 2014

Galway's Baby Burial Grounds


The ancient custom in Ireland was to bury unbaptised children, strangers, suicides and criminals in mass graves. Here is a map of all of the “children’s burial grounds” in Galway, taken from a National Monuments Service interactive map.



Michael Cook

The Catholic Church in Ireland and its ferocious nuns are being pilloried over yet another tranche of decades-old crimes. “Galway Historian Finds 800 Babies in Septic Tank Grave” is the headline in the Boston Globe. As the story snowballs don’t be surprised if you read about “the killing fields of Ireland”.

The remains were found on the site of a home for unmarried mothers and their children run by the Bon Secours Sisters between 1925 and 1961 in Tuam, County Galway. Sketchy accounts which are appearing in the media evoke images of murdered children and secret burials. Guardian columnist Emer O’Toole wrote in an incandescent fury: “Do not say Catholic prayers over these dead children. Don't insult those who were in life despised and abused by you. Instead, tell us where the rest of the bodies are.” A Government Senator from Galway, Fine Gael’s Hildegarde Naughton, has called what happened “manslaughter”.

But the fires of indignation burn hottest and highest when they are uncontaminated by facts. Before politicians and columnists launch into their well-rehearsed litanies denouncing sadistic nuns and misogynist clerics, it might be wise to scout whether there are enough facts to justify the scaremongering.

Read the real story behind Ireland's mass graves here.


Thursday, June 20, 2013

Another Media Fact-Checking Failure


Fathers Rights Group protested Enda's house, not pro-lifers; major media fail

17 June 2013


Pro-life groups have criticised the Irish media for their failure to carry out basic fact-checking in their rush to demonise pro-life activists.

Niamh Uí Bhriain of the Life Institute said that media reports that pro-life activists had carried out a protest at Enda Kenny's home were "entirely incorrect and had no basis in fact", and that the Irish media had engaged in "sloppy and unprofessional journalism".

In fact, the Fathers' rights group who carried out the protest had posted it on the internet for any journalist who wanted to check the facts.

Ms Ui Bhriain said that reporters had got the facts inexcusably wrong.

"There was no masked pro-life protest at Mr Kenny's home," she said. "This is a false claim, entirely manufactured by the media. If there was a protest because of some other issue, the media need to investigate and establish the facts rather than jumping to conclusions. "

"It is inexcusable that the media are printing misinformation of this sort, and it smacks of a rush to try to demonise pro-life activists," she said.

"The media need to get their act together and politicians need to discuss the reality of this cruel and unacceptable abortion legislation and stop trying to deflect from the issue with unsubstantiated claims and false allegations," added the Life Institute spokeswoman.

"Last week we saw that Fine Gael TDs were upset when attempts were made at the top level of the party to carry out a 'political hanging' of the chairman of the Public Accounts Committee. Now we are seeing similar dirty tricks where baseless allegations and false stories are being circulated in order to try to silence genuine pro-life people who are fully entitled to make their voices heard against abortion," she said.

"The notion of former Worker's Party members, who now run Labour, complaining about imagined intimidation was deeply, deeply ironic," she said, adding that it was no surprise that such people supported the taking of innocent unborn life.

END

Thursday, January 24, 2013

Ireland faces its own Roe moment


Op-Ed in the Washington Examiner written by Dr. Eoghan de Faoite


In July 2011, a 32-year-old pregnant woman went to her local hospital in Kilkenny, Ireland, feeling unwell. She was 23 weeks pregnant with her first child and found to be suffering from severe pre-eclampsia. Doctors were concerned that her escalating blood pressure was putting her life at risk; she was told that unless they intervened, she may die.

She and her husband were told that "[the doctors] will do everything they can for the baby, but that [she] is the priority." She underwent an emergency Caesarean section and delivered a baby girl at 23 weeks and five days -- the cusp of viability. The baby girl was transferred to a neonatal intensive care unit, where specialists worked to keep her alive while other specialists stabilized and care for her mother.

After five weeks, Mom was discharged home well. After five months, baby went home as well, becoming the most premature baby to survive in Irish medical history. Irish obstetrical and neonatal care was celebrated in the press. Tributes were paid to the excellent care of the medical teams who intervened to save a sick mother and also did everything they could to save her baby.

Such is the standard of Irish obstetrical practice today. Doctors always intervene to save the life of the mother if she suffers a life-threatening complication of pregnancy (including sepsis) while at the same time doing everything they can to preserve the life of the baby. Such interventions are "never considered abortions," according to the former chairman of the Institute of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, even if the baby does lose his or her life as a consequence.

These interventions are permissible in Ireland today under current Irish law, which bans abortion. It is this standard of practice, coupled with one of the lowest rates of maternal mortality in the entire world -- far lower than in the United States or the United Kingdom -- that ranks Ireland as a world leader when it comes to maternal health care.

In 2011, members of Fine Gael, now Ireland's ruling party, made a pre-election promise that they would not legislate for abortion. They were subsequently elected with a landslide victory. A little over a year later, the party broke its promise by bringing forward legislation to allow for abortion where there is a risk to the woman's life, including the risk of suicide.

At the government's own public hearings on how to "clarify" the meaning of Ireland's abortion law -- as the European Court of Human Rights has requested -- every single obstetrician present testified that not a single woman has died because of our ban on abortion. Every single psychiatrist present testified that abortion is not a treatment for the condition of suicidality.

On the cold, dark, wet winter's evening of Jan. 19, without any media promotion and with little notice, an estimated 35,000 Irish people gathered in Dublin to oppose the government's proposed legislation. In American terms, this would be equivalent to 3 million people attending Friday's March for Life. The event was described as "extraordinary" and "a master class production" by the mainstream press. Reporters commented that the sheer numbers present should give the government "pause for thought" before implementing any abortion legislation.


Related reading: Abortion bill causes furor in Ireland; UN bullies Irish on abortion; Ireland's big abortion debate


Saturday, April 14, 2012

Abortion Bill Causes Furor in Ireland



BELFAST, April 2012 (LifeSiteNews.com) – Clare Daly's bill in Ireland proposes to overturn the Republic of Ireland’s constitutional protections for the unborn, and includes a provision penalizing pro-life sidewalk counseling with one year in prison.

The so-called Medical Treatment Bill, tabled by Socialist Party Teachta Dála (TD) Clare Daly, is the first ever private members’ bill backing abortion to be introduced in the Dáil Éireann (Irish Parliament). It would legalize abortion up to birth in cases where the woman’s life is in danger, or if she is threatening suicide.

Pro-life advocates have pointed out that there is no evidence that abortion is necessary to protect women’s lives, and that life-saving treatment for pregnant women is already available.

Niamh Uí Bhriain of the Life Institute said that the Bill was based on a “fundamentally dishonest claim that abortion is needed to protect women’s lives. This claim amounts to the worst type of scaremongering, and polls show that it is rejected by the majority of Irish women.”

“The record shows we are safer without abortion,” she said, “so why are this group of politicians trying to introduce abortion in our name? It’s unacceptable to misrepresent Irish women - and the truth about abortion - in this way.”


Bernadette Smyth, the head of Precious Life, the group that has fought the UK government’s attempts to impose abortion by stealth in Northern Ireland, has called on all Irish people, north and south, who want to keep abortion out of the islands, to oppose the bill.

Smyth and other Precious Life members, as well as the Irish groups Youth Defence and the Life Institute, joined hundreds in a demonstration today in Dublin demanding the defeat of the Medical Treatment Bill.
“Clare Daly is attempting to hoodwink the public that her Bill isn’t actually about legalising abortion,” Smyth said.

She warned that the bill is “even worse” than the 1967 Abortion Act that ushered in the current abortion regime in the UK.

Its provisions, Symth says, would even allow doctors to perform an abortion without the woman’s consent and allow abortions on underage girls without their parents’ or guardian’s consent. It would also force doctors to refer women to abortionists.

It attacks democratic freedoms as well, she says, in targeting pro-life groups or individuals who want to talk in public to abortion-minded women. The bill would make it an offense to talk to a woman going for an abortion with the intention of changing her mind, imposing prison terms of up to a year and fines of up to £2000.

Rebecca Roughneen of Youth Defence, said the demonstration was an effort to bring before the parliamentarians the fact that the majority of Irish women were sick and tired of being misrepresented by small groupings of pro-abortion campaigners.

Youth Defence has launched a campaign against claims by the abortion industry lobby that because of the current law, women are being refused “life saving medical treatment.” Women in Ireland, she said, are never denied genuine medical treatment during pregnancy, even in those cases where it might have the unintended secondary effect of causing the death of the child, however rare those cases may be.


Related reading: UN Bullies Ireland on Abortion

Thursday, March 22, 2012

Bertie Ahern's Statement



Bertie Ahern, in response to the findings of the Mahon tribunal, has said:

"I note the publication today of the Mahon Tribunal Final Report which are not the findings of a court of law.

At the outset, I want to make clear that I have had the great honour and privilege to serve as an elected politician for over 30 years. I have dedicated my life to politics and serving the interest of the Irish people in politics. I have never accepted a bribe or a corrupt payment.

The Tribunal into Certain Planning Matters was established to inquire into allegations of planning corruption in Dublin. After spending over a decade of inquiries and countless millions of euros, the Tribunal has not made – nor could it make – a finding to support the scurrilous and untrue allegation that I had been given a corrupt payment by Mr Owen O'Callaghan (the Cork based developer of Quarryvale) or any of his companies.

On this key substantive point there is no evidence whatsoever to show I received anything from Mr O'Callaghan.

Nor could there be because, put simply, this never happened.

The only reason that the Tribunal was allowed to investigate me was the entirely untrue and unworthy allegation that I had received money from Owen O'Callaghan. Without that allegation (which in truth was no more than rumour and gossip) it had no mandate at all to carry out a general inquiry into my finances and a trawl of my personal life.

From here.

Saturday, March 17, 2012

The Confession of St. Patrick of Ireland

I, Patrick, a sinner, a most simple countryman, the least of all the faithful and most contemptible to many, had for father the deacon Calpurnius, son of the late Potitus, a priest, of the settlement [vicus] of Bannavem Taburniae; he had a small villa nearby where I was taken captive. I was at that time about sixteen years of age. I did not, indeed, know the true God; and I was taken into captivity in Ireland with many thousands of people, according to our deserts, for quite drawn away from God, we did not keep his precepts, nor were we obedient to our priests who used to remind us of our salvation. And the Lord brought down on us the fury of his being and scattered us among many nations, even to the ends of the earth, where I, in my smallness, am now to be found among foreigners.

Read it all here.

Sunday, March 4, 2012

NYT 'Who-Cares-What-the-People-Believe' Abortion Bias



An February 21 article in the New York Times on the current push to see abortion legalised in Ireland has reported that "anti-abortion groups are confident that their views are still held by a majority in Ireland."

The report by Carol Ryan, quotes the Life Institute's Niamh Uí Bhriain as saying that "There is deep-seated opposition to abortion in Ireland". Referring to the push to have abortion introduced by legislation rather than putting the matter to the people, Ms Uí Bhriain said: "If pro-abortion campaigners believe that Irish people are behind a move to legalize abortion, bring on the referendum."

The Life Institute spokeswoman said that the Irish people were especially opposed to having outside parties deciding our abortion laws.

"At this time, when the E.U. and I.M.F. are actually running our country and we have lost every bit of sovereignty, the last thing people want is an outside agency making an intrusive judgement," said Ms. Bhriain. "What we are seeing here is abortion campaigners using external courts in a bid to have abortion imposed on Irish people. If our laws make us different from everyone else in the European Union, I am glad of that difference."

Source: Youth Defence

Wednesday, January 18, 2012

Ireland's Big Abortion Debate


 Ireland has been pressured by the EU to comform to politically correct views on abortion as a woman's right. The largest party, Fine Gael, made an election promise not to legalise abortion, but appears unable to deliver onn that promise.

A special Commission chaired by Mr Justice Seán Ryan has to report to the Irish Government within six months with options on how to implement the judgment of the European Court.

Special Council for the group will be Mary O'Toole who acted to establish abortion as a right in the infamous 1992 X case. The X case was used in an attempt to  overturn Ireland's pro-life constitutional provisions and introduce  abortion.

The government appointed Dr Deirdre Madden, a UCC law lecturer, to the group. Madden previously wrote that "there are very strong reasons for believing the embryo is not yet a person."

The  group also includes general practitioner Ailish Ní Riain who has written guidelines describing unborn children as 'contents of the uterus' and insists that doctors should refer mothers for abortion.

Pro-life advocates in Ireland stress three points:

Abortion is never medically necessary. Expert testimony has already been given to a government committee on this issue, where leading Irish  experts confirmed that interventions for conditions such as ectopic  pregnancy and cancer were not considered abortion by medical  professionals since the intention was never to harm the child.

The European Court ruling places Ireland under no obligation to  legalise abortion since the Irish Constitution confirms that it is the  people, being sovereign, who will decide such matters. Successive  opinion polls show that Ireland's ban on abortion enjoys the support of  the majority of the people.

According to the United Nations, Ireland, without recourse to  abortion, is the safest place in the world for a mother to have a baby. The expert group should also recognise the undeniable scientific  evidence which shows abortion produces negative mental outcomes for  women.


The Composition of Expert Group on Abortion is as follows:

The Group will be chaired by Mr. Justice Seán Ryan and consist of thirteen other members;
Dr Peter Boylan, Consultant Obstetrician and Gynaecologist
Dr Mary Holohan, Consultant Obstetrician and Gynaecologist
Dr Imelda Ryan, Psychiatrist,
Dr Ailish Ni Riain, General Practitioner
Dr Mark Walsh, General Practitioner
Ms Christine O'Rourke, Office of the Attorney General
Ms Mary O'Toole, Senior Counsel
Ms Joanelle O'Cleirigh, Solicitor
Ms Denise Kirwin, Solicitor
Dr. Deirdre Madden, Medical Council
Dr Maura Pidgeon, An Bord Altranais
Dr Tony Holohan, Chief Medical Officer, Department of Health
Mr Bernard Carey, Assistant Secretary, Department of Health


Related reading: Another UN Trojan Horse

Tuesday, September 13, 2011

Ireland: Labor Party Hypocrisy


The Irish government is understandably furious over a report on clerical sex abuse. But is it courageous enough to examine the scandals for which it is responsible?

Hopes that the Vatican’s recent response to attacks by Ireland’s politicians might relieve some of the tension in Irish Church-State relations seem over-optimistic. The Vatican was ostensibly commenting on an inquiry into how the Catholic diocese of Cloyne dealt with clerical sex abuse of children. But more significantly, it responded vigorously and rigorously to fierce criticism by politicians – including an extraordinary attack on the Holy See made in parliament by Prime Minister Enda Kenny.

Immediate reaction by Irish politicians in the last few days has been guarded but they were hardly conciliatory. Mr Kenny said he stood by his allegations. Foreign Minister Eamon Gilmore remained “unconvinced”. This was before either of them had studied the document. The omens are not good.

This is a great pity. If the interests and the welfare of children were really what the government was striving for –Mr Gilmore’s mantra – then the appeal of the Vatican would not be falling on deaf ears. The document calls for “the restoration of mutual confidence and collaboration between Church and State authorities, which is essential for the effective combating of the scourge of abuse. Naturally, the Holy See is well aware that the painful situation to which the episodes of abuse have given rise cannot be resolved swiftly or easily, and that although much progress has been made, much remains to be done.”

We can only hope, however, that when all the face-saving has been done – because politicians are very reluctant ever to say “I was wrong about that” -- Church and State will abandon the blame game, work together and get on with the job of making society a safer place for children.

In the long term, however, what is disturbing about this conflict is what it reveals about the character of contemporary Irish political life. There is a shameless populism in the politicians’ grandstanding. It is this populism that keeps them at loggerheads with the Holy See.

Government spokesmen have been riding on the crest of a wave of “public anger and frustration.” It was quite clear that their hope was that this anger might continue to prejudice the public’s view of Vatican’s response. Their hopes are being realised.

But this crisis in relations with the Holy See should prompt the public to question the Irish Government’s own record. Just last week a sociologist from Trinity College Dublin pointed out the dangers of exaggerating clerical child abuse. Dr Helen Buckley, a sociologist at Trinity College Dublin, said serious scandals such as that in the Catholic diocese of Cloyne attracted huge media focus which was disproportionate to the incidence of child sex abuse cases. Clerical sexual abuse needs to be reported on in correct proportion to the “tiny” minority of the population affected, she said.

“A lot of the [media] activity in the past few months concerns Cloyne, and while it is very serious, it’s quite tiny,” Dr Buckley said. “I feel there’s a danger because clerical sex abuse touches such a nerve in this country, and the [child protection] system could become skewed. It needs to be seen in proportion,” she said.

Recently appointed to the Irish Health Service Executive’s advisory committee on children and family services, Dr Buckley voiced concern at the proposed introduction of mandatory reporting of cases of child abuse. Ironically, the whole question of mandatory reporting – and the Church’s supposed reservations about it -- was a key one in the Irish government’s trenchant attack on the Vatican.

Will the Irish government act on the recommendations of people like Dr. Buckley with the same determination as it demanded from the Church authorities? In all the bluster there has been no mention of the shocking revelations last year that the Irish Health Service Executive (HSE) “believes that approximately 200 children have died in state care in the last ten years.”

“The figures are emerging”, the report went on, “as part of a nationwide probe and are ten times greater than the previously admitted number of deaths -- the HSE had said that 23 children had died in care.” This all came to light following an audit of HSE files following the controversy over a report into the tragic death of a teenager.

Newspaper columnist Sinead Ryan was scathing: “We have no cohesive child-welfare policy funded and run by a single entity. We are brilliant at writing reports on how to care for children and abysmal at actually caring for them. We are worse at holding anyone accountable when failures happen.”

The Vatican has spoken very candidly of its shame and sorrow “for the terrible sufferings which the victims of abuse and their families have had to endure within the Church of Jesus Christ, a place where this should never happen.” No such words as yet from the state in respect of the deaths of 200 children taken into its care. In fact, the bureaucracy has denied allegations, admitted the possibility of a higher tally only under extreme pressure and stonewalled inquiries even by the responsible minister. The chief executive of Barnardos, Fergus Finlay, said that the deaths were “deeply shocking, as is the fact that the review team has not been handed a single file."

"This is a scandal of enormous proportions for which some immediate answers are required in the public interest,” declared Alan Shatter, now the Minister for Justice, last year. “How could it be the case that so little value was attached to the lives of these children and that until now, no action was taken to identify and collate the numbers dying in care or to review the circumstances of their individual deaths?"

Some Irish people are beginning to see a double standard at work.


Michael Kirke is a freelance writer in Dublin. He blogs at Garvan Hill.

Tuesday, September 29, 2009

The Irish Vote: Digging in Their Heels

The Irish people are again being asked to sign away their sovereignty and freedom to the European Union authorities in Brussels this week.

The last time the decision was put before them, in a referendum in 2008, the Irish voted “No.”

Now they have been told to vote again on the same matter -- apparently until the answer comes out the way the EU leaders like.

The EU leaders would like the Irish to vote “Yes.” The EU leaders are apparently intent on forcing the Irish to vote again and again until they do say “Yes.”

Ireland is the only country of the 27 EU member states where the people are allowed a direct vote about their future. In the other 26 countries which, together with Ireland, make up the European Union, the governments - not the people - have already decided to transfer national sovereignty to Brussels.

In the past weeks, politicians from all over Europe, including Ireland’s own government ministers, have been threatening the Irish people that a second “No”-vote will have serious economic repercussions -- although it has not been specified what these repercussions will be.

The referendum this Friday is Ireland’s second referendum in two years on the European Union’s 2007 Treaty of Lisbon. In June 2008, the Irish voted “No” and rejected the treaty. The fact that the Irish are being forced to hold a second referendum on the matter is indicative of the nature of the EU and the way in which it “consults” its people. The EU is in the habit of giving recalcitrant populations another go if initially they fail to see that what the EU’s leaders have decided for them is best for them.

Had the Irish voted “Yes” last year, they would not have been given a chance to change their minds. However, as the EU does not take “No” for an answer, the EU authorities have pressured the Irish government to make the Irish vote again.

Polls suggest that this time Ireland might vote “yes.”

The Irish government and most of Ireland’s political parties are intimidating the people, warning them that if they say “No” again, Ireland will miss its date with history and isolate itself in Europe.

Yet, the Irish are a proud and freedom-loving people and might live up to their ancient tradition of standing up to foreign domination.

Many Europeans, including many English, are hoping that Ireland will be true to itself and defy Brussels as it once defied London. In Britain, Gordon Brown’s government had Parliament ratify the Lisbon treaty, despite the opposition of the British people.

Much is at stake in Ireland on Friday: the Lisbon treaty is not an ordinary treaty. Over the past decades, the EU has gradually been expanding its powers through a series of treaties, such as those of Maastricht, Nice and others. The Lisbon treaty completes the transformation of the EU into a genuine supranational European State, empowered to act as a State vis-à-vis other States and its own citizens.

In June 2001, the Irish rejected the EU’s Treaty of Nice and subsequently had to vote again in 2002, when they approved it.

Other notorious European nay-sayers are the Danes. In the 1990s, Denmark also had to vote again, after its people rejected the Treaty of Maastricht. In 1992 they got it wrong according to the EU, in 1993 they got it right. So far, no European country has voted wrong twice in a row. It would be rather embarrassing for the EU authorities if the Irish were to do so next Friday: although the explicit approval of the 27 EU countries is needed before the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty can be put into practice, the EU, confident that approval is a mere formality, has already begun to implement several of them. Hence, if the Irish do say “No” again, it would be interesting to see what happens: Will they be made to vote a third time, or will Ireland be ousted from the EU?

Ireland is already an embarrassment to the EU because the Irish Constitution demands that every international treaty which limits Irish sovereignty has to be put before the people in a referendum. Other countries have constitutions which are less strict in this regard, and allow approval by the people in a referendum to be circumvented by approval through the government in parliament

In 2005, the peoples of both France and the Netherlands voted “No” in referendums about the EU’s 2004 Constitutional Treaty, the so-called “European Constitution,” which contains a staggering 67,850 words.

Leading proponents of a European superstate, such as Jacques Delors, the former president of the European Commission, the EU’s executive, immediately said that the French and the Dutch would have to vote again.

However, another solution was found. The “European Constitution” was repackaged as another treaty, now called the Treaty of Lisbon. This treaty, with 76,250 words and even longer than the previous one, rephrased and rearranged the “Constitution” in a different order, but the content is almost identical. As Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, the former president of France, who chaired the committee which drafted the rejected Constitution, acknowledged, “90% of the words are the same.”

Unlike the Constitution, the Lisbon Treaty was never submitted to the people in referendums. Instead, it was ratified by the governing coalitions in the EU member states. Ireland, however, because of its strict national constitution, could not avoid a referendum.

One might wonder why the European people, when given the option of a referendum, tend to vote against the EU’s plans for creating a single federal state on a pan-European level. The reason is: most peoples are attached to their national identity. Freedom and democracy have traditionally been organized and guaranteed within the framework of the nation. This is why people love their nations, however small, and do not like them to be incorporated into a supranational structure which restricts national sovereignty.

One might also wonder why Europe’s governments are so keen on restricting national sovereignty when their people oppose it. It is because the EU is basically a cartel of governments: The EU Council consists of representatives of governments of EU member states. These governments find it easier to pass laws in the secret Council meetings with their colleagues than through their own national parliaments in the glare of public criticism. Politicians, both from the right and the left, like the EU project because it facilitates policymaking without accountability to anyone.

Meanwhile, many Europeans will be watching Ireland this Friday, envying the Irish because the latter enjoy a privilege which they do not have: the right to decide about the future of their own nation.

Many Europeans hope that the polls have got it wrong, and that the Irish will vote “No” so that Ireland may preserve its privilege.

If Ireland falls in line and ratifies Lisbon, the EU will be empowered to act as a State vis-à-vis other States and its own citizens. It will become a State in its own right, with its own President, Foreign Minister, diplomatic corps and Public Prosecutor. If Ireland votes “Yes,” the national governments of the 27 EU member states, rather than representing their States in the EU, will be representing the EU in their States. And the national parliaments, currently embodying the sovereignty of their nations, will be subordinate to the EU.

As the Treaty of Lisbon says: “National Parliaments shall contribute actively to the good functioning of the Union.” They will be obliged, as the imperative “shall” implies, to further the interests of the new Union, rather than those of their own people.

From here.

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Ireland in Depression

The Republic of Ireland’s economy is in a technical depression but will bounce back faster than the Northern Ireland economy, according to the first major all-island economic forecast.

The Ernst & Young Economic Eye report published this morning predicts that the economy of the island of Ireland will contract by almost 8 per cent in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) this year.

With a decline of more than 10 per cent GDP from its economic height, the Republic will effectively be in depression, it says.

In 2009 alone, the Republic’s economy will contract by 8.9 per cent, the report forecasts. By contrast, there will be a shrinkage of 2.9 per cent in the Northern Irish economy. This will result in a contraction of 7.8 per cent in the all-island economy.

“The island economy is in the eye of an unprecedented economic storm and collateral damage is severe,” said Brendan Lynch, who advised on the report.

“Though early 2009 looks like being the worst period, recovery will be slow and the storm will leave scars on the economic landscape for years.”

Read it all here.